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THE 



ADDRESS AND PROCEEDINGS 



OF TUB 



FRIENDS OF DANIEL WEBSTER, 



ASSEMBLED IN FANEUIL HALL, 



©n taJrihus&aij, September 15tl), 1S32, 



MASS CONVENTION. 



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BOSTON: 

JAMES FEENCH, 78 WASHINGTON STBEET, 

1852. 



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Dear Sir :— Please read and circulate this copy of. the Proceedings of the 
Webster Union Whig Convention. 

By request of Executive Committtee. 

A. WILSON, Secretary. 



PRESS OP THE 



FRANKLIN PRINTING HOUSE, 

210 Washington Street, 

Uoston. 



PROCEEDINGS. 



The friends of Daniel Webster and the Union, assembled in Faneuil 
Hall on Wednesday, the 15th inst., at 12 o'clock, for deliberation and action. 

The Convention was called to order by Charles A. Wells of Boston, and 
temporarily organized by the choice of Henry Lyman of Watertovvn, as 
Chairman, and J AMES French and 8. M. Hobbs of Boston, as Secretaries. 

Messrs. D. F. McGilvray, Charles Torrey, James French, C. R. Ransom, 
and Charles A. Wells, were deputed a Committee to retire, select, and re- 
port a list of permanent officers for the Convention. 

Mr. Torrey, in answer to a general call, made a brief address, which was 
received with great applause. 

The Qommittee on Organization here reported the following list of officers : 

For President, Henry Lyman of Watertown. 

For Vice Presidents, Thos. TiiACnER of Roxbury, Jas. Dalton of Boston, 
Geo. Revere of Needham, Cuas. A. Wells, Levi Brigham, Wm. Siiimmin 
of Boston, Luther Griffing of Richmond, Dudley Hall of Medford, Chas. 
Torrey of Boston, Jesse Cuickering of West Roxbury, B. P. Poors of 
West Newbury, Sam'l L. Cutter of Cambridge, and Pliny Cutler of Boston. 

For Secretaries, Samuel Kettell, James French, James L. Baker, and 
Samuel M. Hobbs. 

The report was unanimously accepted, and adopted, and the officers having 
taken their seats on the platform, Pres. Lyman made a brief speech of thanks. 

On motion of Archelaus Wilson of Boston, that gentleman and Messrs. 
Hubbard Winslow, and Charles Torrey were appointed a Committee to pre- 
pare an Address to the people of Massachusetts, setting forth the reasons of 
the present movement of the Union Whigs. 

Messrs. J. L. Dimmock, S. L. Cutter, C. A. White, J. Q. Kettell, and 
Edvv. A. Vose were appointed a Committee to report a list of Webster 
Electors to the Convention. 

Hubbard Winslow, here, in response to a call, made a short speech, to 
show the cause of Mr. Webster's defeat at Baltimore, and also in defence 
of the present movement. 

Messrs. Chas. A. White, Arthur Pickering, J. D. Hedge, J. Fullerton, 
and Chas. A. Wells, were appointed a Committee to report the names of 
ten persons who shall constitute the " Webster State Executive Committee 
of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Wilson, on behalf of the Committee on the subject, here reported the 
following — 



ADDRESS 

TO THE WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS 



The step which a very large number of your fellow citizens, now assem- 
bled in Faneuil Hall, are about to take, is a highly important one, and 
should be taken upon rendered reasons. 

We are met here, most of us, doubtless, as Whigs ; not unaccompanied, 
perhaps, by some of our Democratic friends, who sympathise with us in 
our desire to do justice to a great statesman, who is the property of no 
party, but who belongs, in a high sense, equally to us all. Still, the great 
body of this assembly consists, undoubtedly, of Whigs ; and it is therefore 
to our fellow Whigs that we are chiefly to submit what we have to say. 
At the same time we cannot forget that we are here also as American cit- 
izens, standing upon the soil of a free country, and free to act according to 
our own convictions of duty. 

The representatives of the Whig party, chosen as such according to its 
usages, and assembled in National Convention, have by a very small ma- 
jority, made a nomination of a distinguished officer of the army for the 
Presidency of the United States ; and the first inquiry to be made by us, 
as members of that party, is, whether we in any just sense are bound to 
vote for this candidate, and for no other ? It needs, in our judgment, no 
great amount of argument to solve this question. Upon the great general 
principle on which all our institutions rest, the majority are to rule; and 
when the voice of the majority is expressed in those forms which constitute 
the enactment of Law, no man can go behind it, or absolve himself from its 
obligations, while he remains in society. This principle is attempted to be 
applied by analogy to the doings of political parties. But the analogy is 
extremely imperfect. There is a broad distinction between the decrees or 
decisions of a body of the representatives of a party, in reference to the 
obligations which they impose upon its members, and the decrees of the 
legislative representatives of the people, in reference to the obligations 
which they impose upon the citizen. The former cannot, in the nature of 
things, have the force of law, because they do not rest upon its sanctions. 
They must, therefore, be referred for approval to the judgment of individ- 
uals, who are to receive and obey them, according to their own convictions 
of their intrinsic propriety and fitness to promote the public good. 

We speak here, of course, of the rule that is applicable to the citizen 
who has taken no part in initiating or conducting the party proceedings, 
which have led to a particular result. What rule is applicable to those 



who have taken part in those proceedings, we have now no occasion to in- 
quire. We speak for those and to those who stand free from such connec- 
tion, but are yet members of the same party ; and we have no hesitation in 
saying, that the attempt which has been made to force upon such persons an 
obligation of honor to support a nomination which they may disapprove, is 
without a shadow of justification. The decision of a National Party Con- 
vention is in no sense conclusive upon the conduct of all the members of 
that party throughout the country. If it were, neither the regularity nor 
fairness of the proceedings, nor the fitness of the candidate nominated, 
could ever be inquired into. The truth is, that the act of a majority of 
the delegates in a National Party Convention is not the act of a majority of 
all the members of the party, unless it is assumed that all are actually or 
technically represented. That all are not actually represented, is perfectly 
well known. Not a quarter part of the voters of any great political party 
ever take part in the proceedings by which the delegates to such a body 
are appointed ; and it is one of the easiest, as it is one of the most common 
of political transactions, for political managers, especially in some of the 
other States of this Union, to procure the appointment of delegates, whose 
purposes as to the selection of a presidential candidate are no certain and 
safe guide to the real wishes and preferences of a majority of their nomi- 
nal constituents. The position, therefore, that the act of a majority of 
such delegates is the act of a majority of the members of the party, must 
rest upon the doctrine that all the members had notice, and might have 
attended the choice of delegates if they had seen fit. That is to say, it 
rests upon a fiction, by which every man's political conscience and conduct 
are to become bound by the acts and doings of his neighbor. For our- 
selves we reject this doctrine. We hold that the decision of a majority of the 
delegates in a National Convention is not, of itself, proof of the sentiments 
and wishes of a majority of the party ; and we think that any man who 
will ask himself whether he can believe that a majority of the Whigs of the 
United States this day prefer General Scott as a candidate, to Daniel 
Webster or Millard Fillmore, will be satisfied with the soundness of our 
position. We are here, then, in all the freedom of our individual judg- 
ments. In that freedom we propose to examine the nomination made at 
Baltimore, and to refer the action of the Convention which made it to the 
only standard which we recognize, namely, its tendency to promote and 
secure the good of the country. 

The Convention assembled at Baltimore, it is to be presumed, for the 
purpose of nominating that person for the Presidency, in whom would be 
united high qualifications for the office, with reasonable chances for obtain- 
ing it by the suffrages of the people. This is the duty of a party Conven- 
tion, under ordinary circumstances. But on the occasion of the late Whig 
National Convention, the circumstances were peculiar and extraordinary. 
Ono of the candidates before that Convention was, confessedly, the first 



6 

statesman in America then capable of being thought of for the office. He 
was a person who had rendered services of the utmost importance to his 
party. On three several occasions he had supported with the whole power 
of his vast influence, rivals, whose claims to the nomination, except in one 
instance, could be supposed by no one to be superior to his own. But 
above and beyond all this, he had rendered to his country services which 
surpassed those to his party, in as large a measure as country is greater 
than party to every true patriot. He was, moreover, a person fitted beyond 
all men within the reach of the Whig party, not merely to adorn, but most 
beneficially to administer the high office in question. This was felt and 
acknowledged every where by all candid persons. The common judgment 
of the country, the current and admitted forms of speech, the general consent 
of right-thinking minds, had made his pre-eminent fitness for that great 
trust a maxim among men. A wide and confident expectation among the 
masses of the people, who had nothing to gain and much to lose by adverse 
political combinations, looked to the Whig party, in confidence that it 
would do the justice to the country, to itself, and to Mr. Webster, to put him 
in nomination. 

The time was most propitious. Party animosity had died away before 
the signal merit of services, which challenged the equal admiration and 
gratitude of friends and opponents. Personal detraction, save from the 
kennels of a rabid fanaticism, had ceased to pursue him. Public confidence, 
respect, affectionate admiration and pride, universal appreciation of the 
vast importance to the country of his life, health and happiness, broke forth 
to him, wherever popular feeling had an opportunity of expression. 
Never had a party such an opportunity to confer a vast good upon a free 
country ; and never was such an opportunity more unworthily lost. 

It was lost, we are told, because a majority of those who were sent to 
the Convention to select a candidate preferred some one else, and chose to 
exercise their preferences. We admit the fact ; but, as a portion of the 
people of this country, we claim and shall exercise the right to judge of 
the reasonableness and propriety of those preferences. By whatsoever 
constituency each of those delegates was appointed, they were all assembled 
to execute a public trust upon public motives. A great party organiza- 
tion, like any other social instrumentality, is a trust in the hands of those 
who hold it ; to be exercised and discharged upon motives which will bear 
the test of subsequent examination and submission to the moral judgment 
of mankind. 

Mr. Webster was set aside in the National Convention, and Gen. Scott 
was preferred by a majority of the members;- — first, because the latter, 
being a military man, supposed to have gained great personal popularity by 
his militarj - ci — . was believed to be, in the language of party tacticians, 
the more " available " candidate. We will not do any member of that 
convention the injustice to suppose, that his preference was determined by 



a belief that the military candidate possessed superior fitness for the office 
of President. The ruling motive, in this case, was the same which, on two 
former occasions, had led to the selection, by the Whig party, of military 
men as candidates for the Pre/ideney, to the exclusion of their most expe- 
rienced and most accomplished statesmen: in one of which instances, the 
candidate was without any civil experience whatever. Against this princi- 
ple of political action we desire and intend to enter our protest, It is an 
appeal to the people, contrary to the truth of the case, to regard military 
success as evidence of a fitness to discharge the highest civil trust in the 
country, as well as the ablest and most accomplished and experienced 
statesmen in the land. 

There is no executive government in the world, in which civil wisdom and 
a trained practical statesmanship are so necessary as in the Presidency of 
this great republic. Consider for a moment that our government is founded 
on, and administered under, a written Constitution ; and that the doctrines 
which are to go into that high office and be practically applied in adminis- 
tering that Constitution, if they are to be of the least value, must be the 
fruit of long civil study, of practical acquaintance with principles, and of 
vast civil experience. Consider that the whole machinery of the govern- 
ment is civil administration. Consider that all the offices which a Presi- 
dent holds in his hand for distribution — from the highest of the Judiciary, 
who may have to pass upon even his acts, to the tide-waiter upon the 
wharves, who is to obey without questioning the law — are all to be filled by 
the exercise of a discretion, which can exist, in full and just development, 
onl v after great experience in the civil departments of government. Con- 
sider the great influence which the character and opinions of a President 
exert over the legislation of the country ; — an influence which the Consti- 
tution contemplated, and which usage has made quite as powerful as it was 
ever designed to be. Consider, finally, that the foreign relations of this 
country arc at all times full of questions, for the right management of 
which a military life and military experience can afford scarcely any train- 
ing whatever. 

We are not in the slightest degree desirous to detract from the just merits 
of Gen. Scott, as a highly distinguished and successful soldier, or to refuse 
to him appropriate honors and rewards for his very brilliant military servi- 
ces to the country. But we do not consider that the Presidency is the 
appropriate honor, or that it is fit that it should be held and bestowed as a 
reward for military distinction. If we have taken a correct view of the 
duties which it involves, we are compelled frankly to say, that we do not 
know what evidence the distinguished nominee of the Baltimore Convention 
has given, of that degree of fitness for it, which a Whig candidate ought to 
possess. We say a Whig candidate — for we are not prepared to admit that 
the Whig party is morally at liberty to regard only the elements of popu- 
lar success in the canvass, and to treat its most eminent leaders, its wisest 



8 

statesmen, and its long-tried and faithful champions, with neglect and in- 
justice, because they do not possess the means of appealing to a popular 
love of military glory. The Whig party is an organization professing dis- 
tinctive political principles. It has benefitted the country, through the 
labors of its great statesmen, who have established, defended, and adminis- 
tered the principles which characterise it, and by which alone it can con- 
tinue to be useful. If it is to cast such men aside, and bestow the highest 
honors of the Republic upon those, whose sphere of action has not identi- 
fied them with the maintenance or illustration of the great principles which 
constitute it a party, it will either achieve victories fruitless of benefit to 
the country, or achieve its own destruction. 

We are not prepared to see the Whig party go down in the confusion 
and inefficiency which must ensue from the continuance of a practice, that 
removes its great statesmen from their true positions as its leaders, its coun- 
sellors and guides. We cannot thus surrender its glorious civil history, 
which has been marked from its early formation as a party, in all its suc- 
cesses and all its reverses, with unquestionable usefulness. We cannot for- 
get that it was Whig statemanship, of the very highest order, which main- 
tained a long contest with a powerful adverse executive, and thereby pre- 
vented the Constitution from being wholly wrested out of its legitimate 
sphere. We cannot forget whose voice and whose influence it was, that 
eame to the aid of that executive, in an hour when patriotism demanded the 
oblivion of all party differences, and crushed nullification forever. We 
cannot forget that it has been Whig policy, vindicated and sustained by 
Whig leaders, that has given to the industry of the country all the protec- 
tion it has ever enjoyed, and to internal improvements, all the vitality they 
have ever felt. We cannot forget that it was a Whig civilian, who rescued 
the country from a foreign war, and whose words of warning, wisdom, truth 
and courage, dispelled the gathered clouds of domestic strife, that were 
about to burst in fury over the land. All that the Whig party has ever 
accomplished for the country, all the principles that it has made efficient in 
the administration of the Federal Constitution, and all the positive blessings 
which it has achieved for the Union, it owes to the labors of its statesmen, 
sustained by the intelligence and patriotism of the people. No act of ours 
shall ever have a tendency to destroy the influence and limit the usefulness 
of that order of public men, of whom the greatest living example now pre- 
sents, in his own person, the strongest proof that party neglect may become 
a public injury. 

There is another ground upon which it is impossible for us to support 
the nomination made at Baltimore, which we shall briefly lay before you. 

During the administration which is soon to terminate, this country passed 
through the most dangerous crisis which has occurred since the formation 
of the government. The firm and willing maintenance and administration 
of the measures deemed necessary to meet that crisis, are, beyond all doubt, 



essential to the continued tranquility and peace of the Union. The Whig 
party has affirmed this position as a capital article of its creed : and it is a 
circumstance of no small significance, that the Democratic party has done 
the same thing. Yet it is a fact, incapable, we think, of denial, that the 
distinguished head of the army was selected and brought forward as a 
candidate, by that portion of the Whig party, who deny the propriety of 
affirming the finality of the Compromise Measures, and who mean to hold 
themselves at liberty to renew the sectional agitation of those questions, 
whenever they see fit. The fact that a majorityof his original supporters 
in the Convention — sixty-six in number — -voted against the platform of 
principles which the Convention adopted, can leave no doubt as to 
their sentiments and their purposes. Whether it was under their influ- 
ence or some other, that the Convention was kept in ignorance of 
the personal sentiments of the candidate, and that private informa- 
tion only was given to a few persons, whose sense of public duty 
was supposed likely to be satisfied with private information, we do not 
think it material to inquire. Nor is the fact of decisive importance, that 
the candidate personally approved or favored the original enactment of the 
measures in question, or that he has subsequently, in accepting the candi- 
dacy, as a matter of necessity, accepted the platform of the party which 
offered to him the nomination. The position of the party itself is, how- 
ever, of great consequence. It has formally declared the duty of main- 
taining and executing a series of measures of great public importance. At 
the same time, it has rejected two candidates identified with the enactment 
and execution of those measures, and personally responsible for their ex- 
istence, and has adopted a candidate who is not identified with them, and 
whose principle supporters in one entire section of the Union refused to 
acknowledge the duty of preserving and enforcing them. 

Under these circumstances, it is impossible for us to shut our eyes to the 
danger, that the Whig party — whatever may be the personal wishes of its 
head — may be withdrawn, as a party, from one section of the Union, and 
be obliged to find its principal and most efficient support in another section. 
An administration that should come into power, in such a posture, might 
prolong the nominal existence of the party, only to turn it into a sectional 
organization ; and the personal wishes or honest intentions of its chief would 
avail little in the execution of measures, which his principal supporters 
might be unwilling to execute, in favor of a portion of the country that 
did not contribute materially to the strength of his administration. 

We make no impeachment of the integrity of the candidate. We look 
at public facts, the position of the Whig party, and the interests of the 
country ; and upon these we are constrained to say, that we cannot feel the 
force of the appeal that is made to us, upon public grounds, to support this 
nomination. The position in which we are placed is not of our own choos- 
ing. It has been forced upon us by those who had objects to gain in 



10 

which we cannot participate, and we must act upon our own sense of duty, 
exercised upon the facts by which we are surrounded. 

Deprived, by these considerations, of the power of voting for the regular 
candidate of our own party, we do not choose to be driven to the alterna- 
tive presented by the Democratic nomination. We know too well the 
importance of avoiding all affiliation with those who have brought upon 
our own Commonwealth the mischiefs and disgraces of the " Coalition." 
With you we mean to defend the time-honored institutions of the State, 
and to place at the head of its government an able and honorable man, 
whose administration will be worthy of its long established character. 
But to the principles on which we act, in relation to national interests, we 
remain firm ; and for the sake of those principles, and to do all that we 
can to secure their just influence, we place in nomination the electoral 
ticket which we now present to you. 

In the event of the success of either of the other candidates for the 
Presidency, the public life of the first statesman of the country must be 
terminated. The unrivalled intellect and lofty patriotism which Massachu- 
setts has for more than thirty years given to the councils of the country, 
must be forever withdrawn from every department of the public service. 
It were vain to ask how this void is to be filled. But if it must happen 
before the ordination of Providence brings it upon us, is it a thing quite 
unworthy of Massachusetts, that the last honors which the ballot box can 
render, should be bestowed upon him who has done so much for her honor, 
her influence, her prosperity and her security ? Time was, when she 
deemed it no idle and empty ceremony to confer upon him her electoral 
vote, although it stood alone. On that occasion her vote was not necessary 
to his fame, or demanded for personal gratification ; nor is it now. But 
then, as now, a deep popular sense of justice, and a clear popular sentiment 
of gratitude sought expression through the suffrages pf the people, and 
proclaimed to all the world that a nice balance of advantages, not easy to 
be discerned, does not always become a people who have been served as the 
people of Massachusetts have been served by Daniel Websteu.^ 

If she looks no farther than to her own domestic history, she sees in that 
life which has spent its vast treasures for her welfare, the occasion for no 
ordinary feeling. The very foundations of the State Constitution, which 
has been such a blessing to her, and to the defence of which her people are 
now called to rally, were deepened by his labors. To his wisdom and 
eloquence she owes much of its strength and virtue. To his courage and 
his profound knowledge of the principles of free government, she owes 
directly many of the inestimable safeguards which its principles enshriue. 
And when to this older record of great service she adds the long catalogue of 

* Any one who will consider how very improbable is the election of Gen. Scott, even with 
the electoral vote of Massachusetts, w ill see, that a vote cast for the Scott ticket, in this State, is 
thrown away, in a sense far more plain and palpable, than it can be if cast for Mr. Webster. 



11 

deeds, which have filled up the measure of her national renown, and connected 
her name with the preservation of a Union which she was one of the fore- 
most to create, she will never account that suffrage an unworthy or useless 
act, which seeks, in honoring him, to honor all that has been most noble in 
her own history since that Union was formed. 

But we do not limit our hopes to a complimentary vote by the people of 
Massachusetts. 

We call upon the friends of the Union everywhere, throughout the coun- 
try, to arouse themselves from the lethargy which is upon them, and to act 
with the vigor that becomes them. 

"We call upon independent Whigs everywhere, to reject an organization 
which will hand down the national government to a sectional fragment of 
their great party, in hands that they cannot approve. 

We call upon the People everywhere to undo the work of politicians of 
every party, who would persuade them that they have too little intelligence 
to confer their highest honors upon their best statesmen, and that military 
reputation is the best avenue to the government "of this great Republic. 
Even now, if they will assume their own rightful control over the destinies 
of their country, it is not too late to place at the head of its affairs an ad- 
ministration worthy of its better days, and able to perpetuate, to a United 
People, a Constitution which has made the blessings of Liberty and Union 
One and Inseparable. 

The Address was adopted by acclamation, and the Convention then 
adjourned to half-past seven o'clock in the evening. 



EVENING SESSION. 

The Convention re-assembled at half-past seven o'clock, at which hour 
the hall was thronged to its fullest capacity. The President stated 
the first business in order was to hear the reports of the Committees ap- 
pointedin the morning; where upon John L. Dimmick, from the Committee 
on the subject, submitted the following list of Electors : 

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. 

At Large— PLINY CUTLER, of Boston. 

EDWARD A. NEWTON, of Pittsfield. 
District No. 1— ISAIAH GIFFORD, of Provincetown. 

" 2— LEMUEL 31 AY, of Attleboro'. 

« 3— FREDERICK W. LINCOLN, of Canton. 

" 4— WILLIAM HAYDEN, of Boston. 

« 5— GEORGE T. CURTIS, of Boston. 

" G— MARK IIEALEY, of Lynn. 

" 7— ALBERT H. NELSON, of Woburn. 

" 8— HENRY B. PEARSON, of Harvard. 

« 9— ALVIN G. UNDERWOOD, of Oxford. 

" 10— HOMER FOOTE, of Springfield. 

" 11— LUTHER GRIPPING, of Richmond. 



12 

The report was accepted by a unanimous vote, followed by great cheer- 
ing. C. A. White submitted the following names of gentlemen to 

constitute the 

WsBSTEB ExjfCl TIVK Committee. 

HUBBARD WIN8LOW, of Boston. 
TOLMAN WILLBY, of Boston. 
HENRI LYMAN, of Watertown. 
cil \i;i.l> \. \\ IllTi:. of Boston. 
J. J). HEDGE, of Cambridge. 
JOHN L. DIMMOCK, of Watertown. 
CB LRLES A u BILLS, of Boston. 
THOW \- TH N HER, of Roxbury. 
ARTH1 K PICKERING, of Boston. 
CHARLES TORREY, of Boston. 
This n-nurt was accepted, whereupon the following resolution was 

adopted : 

Beaolved That the Executive State Committee >«-. and they herebj 
and authorized to till any racancy that ma) occur in the ticket ot I 

own lv also to addtothe numbcrofthe Executive Committee :u their plea 

and t,> tak.- all other proper mi promote the objects for which tl 

ticket of Blecton is nominated. 

Addresses were made by M on M. H. Bmith, A. Wilson, H. H 
and S. L. Cutter. Thej were -; gh tone— moral in sentiment 

and dignified in thought 

Mr. Window, at the conclusion of his speech, offered the followii 

Olutions, which were adopted : 

ftsofoed That those men who icrre thrir country most faithfully in tl ughl 

to receive from their conntn il military honors; and i rerve 

their eout.tn most faithfull) in tl " ,llr - r 

its highest eivie hon 

R, - 1 otd That our country, our whok eoontry, in all it- ■ in- 

terests, it entitled to the equal and full protect* 
sions and requhremi 

i; < .! That m 

peace ol the Union, we shall ever hold it to 1 ur prii 

to abide by the principles, and faithfully to tultil the ' 

pact. • 

i That the man faithfully for the longest 

. , mM | iv „., „ Daxibi W*b»ti a andthaito 

him , pre eminently, the nation owes its highest i ivi( ho 

tuensof this republic, we wUl do what we can to induce our 
country to pav this glorious debt 

K.solnd, That whether our country -hall prove faithful or Use to »>on it 

shall ever be among our happiest reflections, thai weweretrw I "tins 

matter, and did what every qtixen wight to have done— caai oox mosi bj lxti rota 
run Danibl Wliisikk. 

At a quarter of ten o'clock the Convention ad 
Daniel WrasnERof Massachusetts* and Chabub J. J« •• ,h,> 

candidates of the Union Whigs ol Massachusetts, I [ President and Vioi 

President of the United States. 



140 



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